Tuesday, May 28, 2019

Threats to Gay Rights


A Supreme Court shaped by President Donald Trump, especially if and when Justice Anthony Kennedy retires, could not only block progress but actually erase existing LGBT rights. That prospect looks increasingly likely. The only formal principle that counsels against the Court overturning the cases that established rights to intimacy and marriage—stare decisis, meaning “to stand by things decided”—is far from an ironclad guarantee against encroachment or even reversal.

The principal exception lies in instances of a major new development—a clear-cut Supreme Court opinion. It is a matter of debate how directly a Supreme Court decision must undercut precedent before a lower court can deviate. The only thing a panel that finds precedent flawed can do is note the flaw’s existence and push the court to hear the issue as a full court, or en banc. En banc hearings are rare.

In all circumstances, courts are expected to avoid deviating from precedent. In law, there are few hills steeper than stare decisis. Squarely confronting the weight of precedent all but guarantees a loss. The rules are a little different for the Supreme Court.

If a Trumped-up Supreme Court shines from a full-frontal assault on gay rights, their reluctance would likely stem not from stare decision but from the jurisprudential gymnastics that would be required to walk Obergefell v. Hodges back without disrupting other precedent on marriage—and, more compellingly, without risking a blowback in public opinion. There are hundreds of thousands of married same-sex couples throughout the United States. Public opinion favors LGBT rights broadly and marriage overwhelmingly. Overruling landmark gay rights cases could generate a backlash that sees LGBT rights reinstated through legislation.

The Supreme Court can significantly undermine LGBT rights even without reversing a singly case. Right now, the federal prohibition against sex discrimination doesn’t bar discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity; the Equal Protection Clause affords no specific protections for LGBT people, as it does for members of groups defined by race and nationality. The Court can strip the rights to intimacy and marriage of their meaning, carving away gradually and masking the magnitude of changes by phrasing them in arcane legal terms. Several pending cases could give the Court just such an opportunity. If Trump gets to replace any liberal justice, or Kennedy, there will be no further gay rights victories at the highest court. The next question: How many rights will LGBT people lose?